Flexner Book Club Blog

2011 Mary Flexner Lecturer: Judith Butler

September 16, 2011
by Elly Truitt
Comments Off on White Paranoia, 2011 Edition

White Paranoia, 2011 Edition

It’s difficult to read Butler’s essay on the video of Rodney King’s brutal beating and the subsequent trial of the LAPD officers who beat him without thinking of the corrosive rhetoric surrounding President Obama. Butler’s eloquent explanation of the ways in which the jurors were able to “read” the video of King’s beating as a reasonable response to the imagined threat that King, an African-American man, posed to their safety, equally accounts for the bigoted and racist accusations leveled at the President since his campaign in 2008.

I am not referring to political difference with the Democratic Party, nor am I referencing objections to the President’s policies or his abilities in the executive branch of our government. Reasonable people may disagree about public policy or President Obama’s actions since becoming president, or even his professional qualifications to hold that office. I am instead to referring to the blatantly racist, abusive, and, frankly, abhorrent remarks that cast into question Barack Obama’s citizenship, his religious beliefs, and his political ideology, as well as remarks pertaining to his wife and children. Since the national presidential campaign in 2007 and 2008, politicians, pundits, news outlets, aspiring candidates, and private citizens have openly stated that Obama is un-American (his birth certificate is a fake), a possible terrorist (his weak ties to African-Americans that are seen as radical and dangerous), a secret Muslim (given his father’s religion and his early education in Indonesia), a socialist, and the second coming of Hitler. The fact that the president or his advisers felt it necessary to release publicly his birth certificate highlights how mainstream this rhetoric has become. Added to that are the comments that have been made about the likelihood of Michelle Obama turning the White House garden into a watermelon patch and equally racist comments about Sasha and Malia Obama’s hairstyles.

These comments reveal the pernicious legacy of racism and slavery in this country, even at the same time as the election of the nation’s first African-American (both in terms of race and in terms of his parents’ origins) president has been hailed as the dawn of a “post-racial” America. Those who claim that Barack Obama is ineligible or unfit to be president and a danger to our country, and everyone who cannot recognize what those comments are really about, are so conditioned by centuries of racist and homophobic rhetoric that has cast the African-American man as a singular threat to white, heterosexual, male American hegemony that they cannot even entertain the possibility of another reality: that Barack Obama is an American, that he is eligible to President of the United States, and that he is not actively working to undermine the safety and well-being of Americans through collaboration with terrorist groups (even though there are millions of Americans who think his policies and actions may end up undermining the economic and national security of the country).

Yet they aren’t the only ones blind to the realities of race in America.  Progressives and moderates of both parties who wish that Obama would assert himself more strongly, or knock heads in Congress the way that Lyndon Johnson or Bill Clinton did to bring about legislative ends, do not understand that the president, even if he wished to (which is not a given), is constrained from certain rhetoric and action by the prevailing assumptions that govern how we read African-American masculinity in this country. The looming specter of the Angry Black Man lurks within our collective consciousness.

If anything, the accusations hurled at the president reveal how little has changed in the last twenty years since Rodney King’s violent beating and the acquittal of his tormentors. If we truly aspire to be a “post-racial” society, then we must begin by questioning how we read race and gender as a society and as individuals, and try to stretch to consider alternative readings, equally possible and viable.

September 16, 2011
by Sara Alcid
Comments Off on The “Founding” of America and the Field of the Visible

The “Founding” of America and the Field of the Visible

Seeing is not just one of our senses or a biological function—it is a means of knowing the world that is shaped by our history and socialization.  Butler explains how among the ever-present fear of the black male body, the act of violence against Rodney King came to be seen as an act of violence against the police.  It seems absurd, but the sight of the jury relocated the guilt of the police onto King’s body as a function of lurking white paranoia and the construction of the black male as an ongoing, felt threat to white, heterosexual normativity.

The notion that “the visible” is produced and manipulated appears frequently in American history and perhaps most strongly in what is popularly considered to be the “founding” of the nation.  The fact that a predominant American narrative exists in which Columbus’s arrival constitutes the beginning of the nation’s history certainly speaks for the “blindness” of the English settlers and our inherited “blindness” to Native American culture and history.

In the spirit of finding an earthly Eden, spreading Christianity and gaining profit, English settlers had a preformed field of visibility, which was also produced by a fear of “savages” and wilderness.  Upon their arrival to Native American nations (now America), white settlers saw and perceived—with their “phantasmatic production” of a paranoia of uncivilized, un-Christian, and dark-skinned Indians—Native Americans in a manner that fulfilled their paranoia.  For example, they were blind to the highly sophisticated Native American methods of agriculture and instead saw an uncivilized, godless people that were struggling to survive off of the land.  The English settlers’ production of a narrow field of vision also served the minimization of white guilt relating to the Native American genocide.

Could it be that the “racial production of the visible” that Butler writes of in regard to the black male body is rooted in a white American narrative to minimize feelings of guilt surrounding slavery and persisting racial inequality?

September 16, 2011
by Vanessa Christman
1 Comment

Reading Images, See White

This week, I have been in several conversations dealing with visual images, perception and race. The conversations have been respectful and filled with the desire to learn and to do the right thing. Unlike the interactions between the defense attorneys and the jury in Simi Valley nearly 20 years ago, our campus conversations have not featured manipulated evidence or a “cultivating” of “paranoia”—white or otherwise. But I am struck as I reflect on these conversations by the power of what Butler calls “whiteness as an episteme” (209).

Even on a campus that is as diverse as ours, a white episteme prevails. Our student body is comprised of more international students and domestic students of color than ever before; still, a majority of the images that surround us are of white people, from the stately past presidents’ portraits in Thomas Great Hall to the hushed lunching groups in Wyndham. What we see is not just white, but orderly white, poised (and posed) white, powerful white. How could all this not have an impact on us as members of the Bryn Mawr community? As Butler suggests, “[t]he visual field is not neutral to the question of race; it is itself a racial formation, an episteme, hegemonic and forceful” (207). Our campus visual field is white, and that influences our interactions and decisions in forceful ways.

As Bryn Mawr goes, so goes the nation. If not a bellwether, Bryn Mawr is at least representative of other communities.  Residents of communities everywhere are impacted by the images that surround us. And bringing a just and unbiased reading of the visual is tricky even without someone (say, a defense attorney) trying to influence our viewing of a particular image. We read images with the bias of our education and lived experience. Add to this a system of understanding that is white—a white lens, placed before all of us just because we are part of this society—and it becomes evident that no image is neutral.

To imagine Rodney King being “in control” as he is repeatedly beaten requires viewing eyewitness George Holliday’s video through a pretty thick racist lens, and, Butler argues, a homophobic one as well. In this article, Butler continues her argument from earlier writings that the body is projected upon. Because of the white episteme, she states, ‘the black male body. . . is the site and source of danger” (208). The defense attorneys preyed on the jury’s racist fear and homophobia when showing, in slow motion, frame by frame, portions of Holliday’s video footage. Under such conditions, the kicks and beatings with batons were read as justified and necessary to protect the members of the jury—and society. The jury, its vision completely occluded by the “Schematic Racism and White Paranoia” of Butler’s title, acquitted all five officers. And in the following days, Los Angeles burned.

Does it have to be this way? Is our country forever doomed to such racist, homophobic reading of the visual field? Will the result of such reading always be violence, rather than shared learning and, maybe even, restorative justice?

Even well meaning, well-educated people misread the visible. I feel fortunate to work in a place where learning and inclusion are among our primary goals. I am glad my daily efforts are not to coerce people into a particular (yet alone racial/biased) reading of an image, but to listen to what is seen and to encourage a well-informed reading. This work can be tricky—and emotional. But I am encouraged by efforts on our campus to combat Butler’s “Schematic Racism and White Paranoia.” And I am hopeful that Bryn Mawr graduates will contribute to a more just and informed reading of the visual—to a more just and informed world. I believe in the possibility that, as Bryn Mawr goes, so, perhaps, in at least small ways, the nation might go.

September 16, 2011
by Mary Zaborskis
Comments Off on Now You See It, Now You Don’t

Now You See It, Now You Don’t

In Judith Butler’s “Endangered/Endangering: Schematic Racism and White Paranoia,” she unpacks another illusion for us: the difference between “seeing” and “reading.” We often think we’re doing the former, which suggests a neutral way of viewing an object, but more often than not, we “read” objects—that is, ascribe them with the culturally-sanctioned thoughts, values, and structures of feeling that we bring to the table. When it comes to race, what’s available for sight “within a racially saturated field of visibility” (205) is what has been made culturally legible by white systems of power. In other words, whiteness determines the visibility of other races, and the sanctioned visibility endorses structures that maintain white hegemony at the expense of oppressing non-whites.

Butler’s explanation of how we make race visible within a white framework reminded me of some work we’re doing in “Lesbian Immortal,” another (utterly fantastic!) course being offered in connection with Butler’s Flexner Lectureship. We recently read some of Terry Castle’s The Apparitional Lesbian, where Castle posits that history has repeatedly and continues to “ghost”—or make invisible—lesbians. Lesbians are continually assigned to the space of “the shadows . . . the margins, hidden from history, out of sight” (2) because lesbianism is culturally illegible in a heteronormative patriarchal time and place. Lesbians are made invisible through sanitizing history (Castle cites Eleanor Roosevelt as an example of such sanitization), and they are only made visible when it’s part of a larger project of denigration (for example, in the 18th century, political groups circulated propaganda about Marie Antoinette’s affairs with women—sexuality was made visible in a negative way to further a political attack).

While Castle’s polemic is exclusive to the figure of the lesbian, we can see how it’s part of larger projects of erasure: sexuality, gender, race, and class are all problematically “ghosted” in today’s world, fleshed only at moments determined by heterosexual, white bodies of a certain socioeconomic status when in the service of those same bodies. In Butler’s talk of visibility with race, I kept thinking of all the places where race (and both its parallels and intersections with sexuality, gender, and class) is (made) invisible. For example, this September 12th Washington Post article talks about the way minorities are invisible in STEM fields (or at least significantly less visible than whites). This finding is due in part to visibility issues with minorities in higher education—which may be because minorities aren’t visible in political spheres that determine education access, make laws, and allocate resources.  Compromised visibility begets even more compromised visibility. And the example of STEM fields is just one illustration, as there are many other sectors where these same projects of invisibilty occur. How do we render bodies visible in ways that don’t further white agendas? How do we resist the ways that society wants us to “read” bodies? How might we expand our field of visibility? When and how will we start acknowledging these ghosts and make them properly visible?

September 16, 2011
by Steph Herold
Comments Off on Theory and Violence

Theory and Violence

I hate to say I told you so, but I told you so. – Tupac on the LA riots after the Rodney King trial.

Nothing that has happened to Rodney King is new. America has always been about this. – KRS 1, reflecting on the riots.

Immediately after reading this week’s Butler article, I went to YouTube and watched the Rodney King video (trigger warning for extreme police brutality). It felt important to witness it to understand, on some level, what Butler was talking about, where she was locating herself. It didn’t give me any answers.

How helpful is theory at a time like this? I’ve asked before and I’m sure I’ll ask again, but does conceptualizing the difference between “seeing” and “reading” have any impact whatsoever on police brutality? What happened to Rodney King was nothing short of a brutal (not to mention completely illegal) hate crime. The trial of violent police officers afterwards was clearly a miscarriage of justice. How does Butler’s analysis help here? What does her analysis do to promote justice, to educate the public about what happened, to make sure it never happens again? Does theory have a place in helping us process and react to violence?

The video documentation of the horrific beating seems to be what catapulted this incident to the national level, yet, as KRS 1 and countless others explained, this racist, violence behavior by police officers is nothing new. This is business as usual in communities of color. In fact, in 2009, a young African-American man named Oscar Grant was needlessly shot and killed by a police officer in San Francisco, sparking a media outcry and, to a lesser degree than in 1991, riots.

What can Judith Butler teach us about “reading” and “seeing” that can help us to better understand these horrific incidents? Is it even possible to “understand” them, and can theory help us do that? I’m not convinced.

September 2, 2011
by Sara Alcid
1 Comment

The Danger in Category Messaging

Just yesterday, I was discussing the value and danger in identity categories in one of the Bryn Mawr courses being offered in connection with Judith Butler’s Flexner Lectureship, “Queens, Nuns, and Other Deviants in the Early Modern Iberian World.”  Some students felt very strongly about the necessity of gender identity categories for the purpose of social movement organization and coherence, but the divisive potential of these categories is quite strong.  Because one can never be sure of how a category may come to be stigmatized or politicized in the future, Butler considers their merit as “sites of necessary trouble” in “Imitation and Gender Insubordination.”

Butler reminds us that categories are often born out of fear of “erasure,” but the desire to counter the threat of erasure should be examined for its potential to “reinstall another [violence of erasure] in its place” (125).  Although Butler is mainly considering the implications of the identification of the “I,” I found this essay helpful in better understanding a period of the pro-choice movement’s identity politics.

In 1986, during the Supreme Court case Thornburgh v. American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, Roe v. Wade came within a single vote of being overturned.  From a fear of the “erasure” of the pro-choice movement’s strength and policies, pro-choice advocates redefined their categorization to include a conservative message strategy, with the hope of broadening pro-choice support.  With the hope of appealing to conservatives wary of big government and fond of privacy rights, the pro-choice movement adopted the slogan, “Who Decides—You or Them?”  This “reframing” of the pro-choice identity to include hints of conservative rhetoric was successful in protecting pro-choice legislature from “erasure,” but ultimately weakened the pro-choice movement by giving credence to arguments that would be used against it.  The conservative message strategy strengthened the legislative possibility for parental consent laws and the reduction of public funding for abortions.  As Butler states, “there is no way to predict or control the political uses to which that sign [identity], will be put in the future” (126).

The homosexual identities that Butler writes about expose the panicked desire to counter the myth of an “original” and “correct” heterosexuality and she suggests that homosexual identities may merely reinscribe their status as an imperfect “copy” of heterosexuality.  In other words, the danger in identity categories is their potential to fall into the service of what they intend to counter or delineate from, which was seen in the case of the pro-choice movement adjusting their identity.

September 2, 2011
by Vanessa Christman
Comments Off on Reflections on my “Insubordinate” Youth

Reflections on my “Insubordinate” Youth

I am thinking about becoming a princess. It’s going to be harder than you might think. Raised Pennsylvania Dutch and Lutheran in the shadow of the women’s movement, I have always been self-reliant above all else. Since childhood, I scoffed at gender roles, willfully subverting them: I reached for the check when it came; I took out the trash; and I installed the new downspout. No man, not even the husband I love and with whom I have shared nearly 30 years of life, was going to get in the way. Of my taking out the trash. (Hmmmm?)

Reading Butler’s “Imitation and Gender Insubordination,” I realized I had a little reflecting to do. Had I, like Butler’s “‘providing”” butch on page 131, become “caught in a logic of inversion whereby that ‘providingness’ turns to a self-sacrifice”—implicating me in “the most ancient trap of feminine self-abnegation”? Hmmmm. . . .

On the topic of self-abnegation, there’s the song “(You Make Me Feel Like a) Natural Woman” (133). As a teenager, listening to Carole King’s rendition on a hand-me-down record, I was struck by its urgency and sexuality. Just to hear a woman singing—claiming—the word “wuh-mahn” was a powerful experience. As a likely straight, gender-conforming adolescent female, I did not think much about what a “natural woman” was, or how it was problematic (133).

As powerful as I found the song to be, what perturbed me was the “You make me feel” part. Even King and co-writer Gerry Goffin must have felt a little shaky about it—why else put that part in parentheses in the title? Why, whether in 1967 when Aretha Franklin first recorded it, or in 1977 when I was listening to the song, were we relying on, celebrating, that someone else made us feel anything, let alone a certain kind of woman?

Then it got even worse: “And if I make you happy I don’t need to do more.” What kind of self-abnegation is that—commonplace, or so-pathetic-that-self-will-need-a-spatula-to-pick-itself-up-from-the-floor?

As for certain aspects of “natural” woman, in the early sixties King herself was performing the ideal heterosexual woman (with idealized non-ethnic hair). By the early seventies, King and others flaunted their naturally moppy hair. A frequent remark I heard at that time was that one couldn’t even tell men from women, their appearances were so similar. I used to think this should bug me—the people saying it seemed so confused and powerless—but it never did. I exulted in this confusion. Was I just a crazy kid—or were the early seeds of gender insubordination taking root in me?

While we are revisiting my youth, why not have a look at the Love Is. . . cartoons? These nude little people had no visible sexual features, except that the “woman” had long hair and nipples, and the “man” had short hair and no nipples (??). They gamboled from frame to frame, seemingly undaunted by their unarticulated genitalia. Nature or nurture? If I was bound to challenge gender norms, was it because of some innate quality, or because I saw the Love Is. . . cartoons in the daily paper?

Recently, in reflecting back on those cartoons, I found this. It’s part of an ad campaign through the Advertising Media Program of the Gay & Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation (GLAAD). And I felt hope—that we are claiming certain archetypes and reimagining them to reveal our selves, and our hopes for ourselves.

This summer, my husband and I were walking on the High Line in Manhattan, when we saw this sign. Yes! we cheered. We have the abundant privilege of heterosexual marriage, and yet we remain perplexed by other heterosexuals who feel, as Butler puts it, “perpetually at risk” (129). How uplifting to see on a billboard that we should just GET OVER IT.

My lens is a heterosexual, gender-conforming one. I know that I have enormous privilege. Yet I take away some empowering thoughts from “Imitation and Gender Insubordination.” And lately I’ve been feeling a little tired. Maybe it’s not too late to try out the princess identity. I think I’d like to feel the “incontrovertible power” of “orchestrat[ing]” a certain dependency (131).

September 2, 2011
by Elly Truitt
Comments Off on Performance Theory

Performance Theory

“Imitation and Gender Insubordination” is superb. I want to turn this into a pamphlet and hand it out to people who are skeptical of the utility of critical theory and philosophy in daily life. By “coming out” (a phrase that she deftly interrogates and skewers as iterative, even while affirming its importance and utility) in an essay that resists the entire stated theme and raison d’être—lesbian theory—of the collection in which it appeared, Butler performs her own theory.

The argument of the essay hinges on the limited and limiting categories of identity described by terms like “man,” “woman,” “lesbian,” “queer,” “homosexual,” and “heterosexual,” and on the attendant instability of those categories and any perceived hierarchies among them. These terms are rigid or narrow enough to require ways of “playing” those categories, as when Butler talks about going to a conference to “be” a lesbian, even though she already “is” a lesbian. One is or is not many categories: lesbian, left-handed, woman, queer, mother, Ashkenazi Jew, African-American, and then one also has to “be” those categories at times, in the same way that one might “be” a dutiful daughter or supportive friend, even if one already *is* those things.

Throughout this essay, Butler constantly reflects on the terms of the essay itself. What is a lesbian? What is theory? Yet she questions these terms even as she performs them, effectively stating, “I am a lesbian academic now writing about gender theory for an edited collection on lesbian theory,” and—through her almost parodic self-reflection—”I am now performing the role of self-identified lesbian academic and philosopher in an environment in which it is useful or expected of me to do so.” Butler uses the essay form to perform an identity that she simultaneously claims and critiques, tacitly demonstrating the constraints of identity categories and also their inherent instability.

September 2, 2011
by Mary Zaborskis
Comments Off on Can We Have Gendered Means Without Gendered Ends?

Can We Have Gendered Means Without Gendered Ends?

In Jose Esteban Muñoz’s Cruising Utopia: The Then and There of Queer Futurity, he describes political philosopher Giorgio Agamben’s theory of gesture—that is, action and that which constitutes performance—as “means without ends” (91). In other words, gesture is something that occurs, but it is not in the service of any achievable end goal (despite an impulse to think otherwise). Rather, gesture is characterized by a nothing-ness that “interrupts the normative flow of time and movement” (91) because it does not contribute to the forward movement of time; instead, Muñoz urges us to see gesture as something that suspends time, not propelling it to unfold but expanding possibilities within time. Gesture, then, holds potential because of its ability to “interrupt” and defy normative time—an important potentiality because normative time has a distinct “heteronormative bent” (91). (Time has this “heteronormative bent” because it is coopted by institutions with a heteronormative agenda—we organize time around heterosexual acts, sync it with the heterosexual body, and time seemingly moves forward with heterosexual reproduction which helps reproduce the reigning social order.)

Not being in the service of an end goal, gesture can perhaps pave the way for other ends, thus holding the potential for futures not akin to the futures required and sustained by (hetero)normative time.

This idea of gesture being a “means without ends” was reiterated for me when reading Judith Butler’s “Imitation and Gender Subordination.” She describes gender as a series of repetitive acts (or gestures) that the subject performs even though “repetition never fully accomplishes identity” (131). In other words, gender—and the subject supposedly doing gender—is never “fully” complete. Rather, these acts are always in the service of an impossible end goal, and thus can be considered “means without ends.” But while gendered performances are in the service of an inapproachable gendered end, gender is still a “compulsory performance” (130). In other words, even though there is no end or possibility for completion to gender, we do it anyway because we have to, perhaps even because we perceive the means will and do lead to some gendered end: our performative acts might allow us to say and even believe “I am [insert gender category here].”

But because gender is always happening, it follows that Butler has concerns with organizing these acts to be indicative of static identity categories. She opens the piece with her concerns over theorizing under the label of lesbian, and she worries that present use of the sign “lesbian” in this case impedes “future use of the sign. There is a political necessity to use some sign now, and we do, but how to use it in such a way that its futural significations are not foreclosed?” (126).

In a way, Butler is worried that we are too caught in the “ends” of the “means”—by necessitating gestures to lead to some neat and tidy category (thus implying some finished end), Butler worries that other not-yet-realized ends become “foreclosed.” What futures might become available to us if we abandon the present use of categories and labels to describe gender and sexuality? Is there really any viable way to eschew the “political necessity” to use categories in the present, or would doing so be a step backwards for activists who utilize the categories to promote social change? If gesture is, according to Munoz, “laden with potentiality” (91), can the gestures and acts that produce gender be laden with the same potentiality? How can we access that potentiality in the label-loving and, in some ways, label-necessary 21st century?

September 2, 2011
by Steph Herold
Comments Off on Is “coming out” a useful frame to reduce abortion stigma?

Is “coming out” a useful frame to reduce abortion stigma?

Almost a year ago, I launched a campaign on twitter called #ihadanabortion.  I asked women who were comfortable doing so to “come out” about their abortion experience using the hashtag to aggregate all the responses.  I hoped that this would lessen the stigma associated with abortion in some way and give women who’d had abortions a sense of community, a new way to explore their experiences.

What happened was overwhelming—there were hundreds of women talking about their abortions on twitter, giving voice to their experiences and proving statistics correct (1 in 3 US women will have an abortion in her lifetime). The media picked up on this, and soon the pro-choice world did too.  I understood the mainstream media’s hesitation to embrace the idea that twitter is a legitimate place to talk about abortion; they almost always cover abortion from a political perspective, not a personal one. It was more difficult for me to grapple with the critiques from the pro-choice world—not only that abortion is “too private” a  decision to tweet about, but that “coming out” is not a useful frame to use in trying to reduce abortion stigma.

This week’s Butler reading helped me understand this much more in depth. In talking about lesbians coming out, she asks, “So we are out of the closet, and into what?” (p. 122). When asking women to come out about their experiences on twitter, I didn’t anticipate the hostile environment that would ensue. Within a few hours, cruel comments from anti-abortion folks were dominating the conversation. Since twitter is completely public and unregulated, I had no way of protecting or informing the women who’d entered that space to tell their stories.

When I started the hashtag, I had no idea that it would balloon into a media phenomenon. But I also didn’t ask some critical questions: what would be the consequences of “coming out” to the women who participated? What environment would follow their “coming out”? And then, there’s Butler’s observation that some people “coming out” can be at the expense of others: Being ‘out’ always depends to some extent on being ‘in’; it gains its meaning only within that polarity. Hence being ‘out’ must produce the closet again and again in order to maintain itself as ‘out'” (p. 123).

Does one woman “coming out” about her abortion on twitter disable others from doing so? Are we constantly pushing each other into the closet instead of helping each other speak truth to power? Is there a way to empower people to tell their own stories, on their own terms, reduce stigma, and not create the theoretical closet over and over again?